Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Kapitel 1: Opposition im Europäischen Parlament - Annäherung an ein flüchtiges Untersuchungsobjekt -- A. Problem- und Fragestellung -- B. Theoretische Einbettung -- C. Methodisches Vorgehen und Untersuchungsgang -- Kapitel 2: Opposition, Oppositionsmuster und und die Bedeutung von Minderheitenrechten -- A. Zum Oppositionsbegriff -- B. Oppositionstypologien -- I. Robert Dahl - Muster der Opposition -- II. Jean Blondels Weiterentwicklung der Typologie von Dahl -- III. Winfried Steffanis dreigliedrige Oppositionstypologie -- IV. Anthony Kings Typologie der Beziehung zwischen Exekutive und Legislative -- C. Opposition in der parlamentarischen Arena -- I. Minderheitenrechte als Oppositionsrechte -- II. Opposition durch Obstruktion -- D. Agendakontrolle und Minderheitenrechte -- E. Agendakontrolle im EP - Theoretische Erwartungen -- F. Ein kontextadäquates Konzept europaparlamentarischer -- I. Das EP als transformative legislature: Die Binnenorganisation als Analyseperspektive -- II. Der Referenzakteur von Opposition im EP -- III. Opposition in unterschiedlichen Interaktionsmodi -- IV. Ein strategieorientiertes und akteurzentriertes Oppositionskonzept -- V. Von Intentionen zur Ziel-Mittel-Wahl -- VI. Demonstrations- und Mitwirkungsrechte -- Kapitel 3: Der mikroinstitutionelle Kontext - Die Binnenorganisation des EP als Fraktionenparlament, Expertenparlament und Arbeitsparlament -- A. Ein Katalog europaparlamentarischer Funktionen -- B. Systemische Rahmenbedingungen europaparlamentarischer Funktionserfüllung -- C. Die Politikgestaltungsfunktion im Spiegel institutioneller -- I. Die Praxis frühzeitiger Einigungen - Der Zielkonflikt zwischen Effizienz und Repräsentation -- II. Frühzeitige Einigungen: Verschiebungen im parlamentsinternen Machtgefüge? -- D. Theoretische Perspektiven der Ausschussorganisation.

How is access to asylum and other forms of extraterritorial protection regulated in the European Union? Is the EU acquis in these areas in conformity with international law? Which tools does international law offer to solve collisions between both? And, finally, is law capable of bridging the foundational oppositions embedded in migration and asylum issues? This volume is about the transformation of asylum in Europe in the context of the EU enlargement process. This transformation involves norms, as well as the procedures and resources for their implementation. In the candidate countries, as in the west, the process of transformations is marked by the tension between the interests of protection and migration control. Through their comprehensive analysis, the authors illuminate the legal and political dynamics which underlie this tension. Chapters trace the complex patterns of national, sub-regional and EU law and policy that are driving the future of asylum in an expanded Europe. This allows for reflection on what the transformation process tells us about the current EU asylum acquis, and what it tells us about the prospects for refugee protection in the new frontier states and beyond. This book is the result of a three year study carried out by academics and practitioners from the candidate countries, current Member States, and international organizations. It explores the evolution of refugee policy and practice in a changing Europe

AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.

A CURIOUS PHENOMENON MAY BE NOTED WITHIN THE EUROPEAN Community, and also in the negotiations on the entry of other European countries into it. This is the absence of any move towards European integration among the political parties in the member states. Rather surprisingly, an obstinate silence prevails in Europe and within the national political parties regarding this deficiency. One cannot help wondering what is the reason for this and what can be done to break this silence.Outwardly the process of European integration presents in the main an economic aspect. The EEC Treaty is a classic example of this. The goal striven for is a customs union with a common policy in the economic sphere. Thus the first steps are being taken in the Community towards a common policy in a number of sectors (agriculture, transport, energy, external trade). Recently attempts have been made to link this sector-by-sector policy through the inauguration of a common economic and monetary policy.

Based on the 1951 Refugee Convention, traditional conceptions of refugees typically referred to the politically active male persecuted for his obstructive acts against a communist regime. Yet, today's asylum seekers are increasingly female with very different experiences of persecution and different reasons to flee their countries of origin. Not all states have updated their asylum policies to reflect the specific situation of women—an issue the refugee crisis in 2015 brought to glaring light. We develop a Women-Friendliness in Asylum Index (WFA), which reveals clusters of states within the European Union (EU) with a solid implementation of women's rights in their asylum recognition and reception framework and others whom have yet to adapt their asylum policies to consider women's needs. In addition, we show that women's political representation is a key factor in explaining women-friendly asylum policies, whereas critical attitudes toward immigrants from non-EU countries retard the gendered revision of European asylum policies.

Explores reasons for negative public responses to the Treaty on European Union in three countries which held referenda; Denmark, France, and Ireland. Some focus on domestic party politics.

IN THE 1930S IT WAS MAINLY TRADE UNION ORGANIZATIONS THAT DEVELOPED POLICIES FOR GOVERNMENT-LED REVIVALS OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY THAT, THROUGH SOME MEANS OR ANOTHER, EVENTUALLY PROVED TO BE MEANS FOR OVERCOMING PROLONGED RECESSION. IN THE STILL RELATIVELY UNDERDEVELOPED STATE OF COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN STUDIES, SUCH PROJECTS MAKE A DOUBLE CONTRIBUTION: THE PARTICULAR THESIS THAT LEADS THE AUTHORS TO USE THE VARIOUS COUNTRIES AS CASES: AND THE MORE GENERAL DESCRIPTIVE AND ANALYTICAL COMPARISONS EMBODIED IN THE NARRATION OF THE NATIONAL 'STORIES'.

This paper analyzes the opposition to immigration, comparing the European Union as a whole and Portugal, United Kingdom, France and Germany. The first hypvothesis that was examined posits that the perception of economic, security and cultural threats are significant predictors of the
orientation towards immigration. The second hypothesis states that racial prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. Results show that, globally, attitudes towards immigration in EU are more close to openness than they are to closure. As predicted, cultural, economic and security
threats are significantly associated with the opposition to immigration. These results are stable across compared countries. Moreover results show that in the EU as a whole political conservatism and racial prejudice are the main predictors of the perception of threat in the economic, security
and cultural domains. These same results were obtained in France, Germany and United Kingdom. Except in the case of security threat, also in Portugal prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. These results are discussed in the context of the immigration integration policies.

Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1: Political Parties and the European Union -- Introduction -- Explaining Party Responses to the EU -- Conceptualising Party Responses to the EU -- Conceptual Models in EU Candidate Countries -- Research Design -- Plan of the Book -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Serbia, Croatia and the European Union -- Serbian and Croatian Relations with the EU -- A Decade of Lost Opportunities (1990-2000) -- A Difficult Role for Latecomers (2000-2017) -- Serbian and Croatian Party Politics Since 2000 -- Serbian Party Politics Since 2000: The Agony of Political and State Fragmentation -- Croatian Party Politics Since 2000: A Gradual Post-conflict Normalisation and Stabilisation -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Ideology, Identity and Party Attitudes Towards the EU -- Does Party Ideology Drive Party Responses to the EU? -- Ideology and Party Attitudes Towards the EU in Serbia and Croatia -- Social Democratic Parties and the EU -- Conservative Parties and the EU -- Christian Democratic and Agrarian Parties and the EU -- Liberal Parties and the EU -- Radical Right Parties and the EU -- Dimensions of Ideology and Party Attitudes Towards the EU in Serbia and Croatia -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 4: Party Strategy and Attitudes Towards the EU -- Does Party Strategy Drive Party Responses to the EU? -- Party Strategy and Attitudes Towards the EU in Serbia and Croatia -- The Socialist Party of Serbia -- The Serbian Progressive Party -- The Croatian Democratic Union -- Party Strategy and Other Parties' Attitudes Towards the EU -- Euroscepticism on the Political Periphery -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 5: Public, Voters' and Party Attitudes Towards the EU -- Do Parties Respond to Public Preferences?

Using Lipset and Rokkan's concept of political cleavages as a base, the authors identify the contours of new social and political divisions in EU countries which have been exacerbated by a series of crises. New divisions are caused by two kinds of factors: socio-economic and value-based. The authors characterize the growing gap between the center (metropolis) and the periphery (province cities and towns). The article also examines the processes of erosion of the middle class and the formation of a new working class in European countries, which go beyond the classical opposition of employers and employees. The article outlines the impact of these splits on value orientations of EU citizens and the possible emergence of new political conflicts. The authors conclude that new divides can lead to protest mobilization in the European Union, a vivid example of which was the "yellow vest" movement and demonstrations against lockdown measures during the COVID pandemic. Another consequence of those divisions will be a change in the electorate structure and the transformation of the party landscape. The article concludes with a brief analysis of the significance of new social cleavages for further development of European integration. It is noted that during the coronavirus crisis citizens' demand for a "Social Europe" has increased.